Originile totalitarismului hannah arendt epub

 

    Johanna "Hannah" Arendt (–) was a German-American political theorist and social Hannah Arendt tombdetercomi.cf Hannah Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy, , PDF. (Spanish); Originile totalitarismului, trans. The Public Realm and the Public Self: The Political Theory of Hannah Arendt, Shiraz Originile Totalitarismului, Hannah Arendt, pdf, Humanitas, KEYWORDS: human rights, human condition, plurality, Hannah Arendt, political . situation which is referred to in the 8 Hannah Arendt, Originile totalitarismului, .

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    Originile Totalitarismului Hannah Arendt Epub

    by Hannah Arendt First published Sort by. title, original date published .. Originile totalitarismului (Paperback). Published by Editura Humanitas. The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in , was Hannah Arendt's first major work, .. Print/export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version . PDF | On Apr 3, , Hadrian Gorun and others published POLITICS, version of the book, see Hannah Arendt, Originile totalitarismului.

    It regards its independence from other domains, such as the social and the economic one, and the fact that it is an end in itself and not a mere mean to attain other goals. We will examine the consequences that this conception has on the issue of human rights, knowing that Arendt, on the one hand, has reduced them to a single right, which is not itself political, the right to belong to a community and that on the other hand, human rights have an essential place in a theory of democracy. KEYWORDS: human rights, human condition, plurality, Hannah Arendt, political theory Even if Hannah Arendt has not elaborated a systematic theory on human rights from a political or philosophical perspective, but has only treated several issues regarding the difficulties of the foundation of human rights at the crossroads between the political and juridical domain and not in a very exhaustive manner, a series of commentators of her work believe that there are resources in her political theory that allow us to better answer to some of the questions concerning human rights. What Arendt is criticizing is not the idea of human rights in itself, of the Rights of Man which were put into question with the alleged decline of the nation state, but the way in which they were founded within the Western political thinking tradition. She rejected both the natural law theories and the metaphysical idea of a moral human nature, thereby reducing human rights to a single right, through the reduction of the problem of their foundation and justification to the foundation and justification of a single right, which is the right to have rights, i. Critics have seen her approach as one that reveals a contradiction, which is the impossibility for national sovereignty to guarantee human rights as well as the other way around. But as we shall see, Arendt will search for a solution to this problem by proposing a new conception of the status of the political domain and that of the rights3, in the republican manner, in which political membership is based on citizenship and not on nationality, thereby trying to overcome the restrictiveness associated with the latter for certain groups of people, which do not belong for some reason to the nation. What is essential for our approach is to determine the nature of this right to have rights, that is of the right to belong to a political community. The right to have rights is not a right in a strictly legal meaning, because Arendt does not presuppose, in analyzing the foundation of this right, an already existing legal domain. This right is not a positive right, hence it preconditions any positive right, having a status similar to that of a natural or moral right. In explaining the status of this right we encounter the strict distinctions that Arendt establishes between the political domain and the other domains such as the social, economic, administrative and private domains as well as the distinctions among the faculties of the human condition, that is, between action as the political faculty par excellence and the faculties of labor and work. The autonomy of the political domain founded on this new architectonics of the human faculties assumes the fact that the political cannot be in any way reduced to laws and institutions. This means that it represents an end in itself and cannot serve, as an autonomous domain, to the achievement of other ends such as welfare, security or even protection of civil rights. For Arendt, the fundamental right that is constituted as a precondition for human rights is the inclusion in a political community. The arendtian conception of rights, similarly to that of freedom, is a positive one, and this fundamental right is the best example.

    KEYWORDS: human rights, human condition, plurality, Hannah Arendt, political theory Even if Hannah Arendt has not elaborated a systematic theory on human rights from a political or philosophical perspective, but has only treated several issues regarding the difficulties of the foundation of human rights at the crossroads between the political and juridical domain and not in a very exhaustive manner, a series of commentators of her work believe that there are resources in her political theory that allow us to better answer to some of the questions concerning human rights.

    What Arendt is criticizing is not the idea of human rights in itself, of the Rights of Man which were put into question with the alleged decline of the nation state, but the way in which they were founded within the Western political thinking tradition. She rejected both the natural law theories and the metaphysical idea of a moral human nature, thereby reducing human rights to a single right, through the reduction of the problem of their foundation and justification to the foundation and justification of a single right, which is the right to have rights, i.

    Critics have seen her approach as one that reveals a contradiction, which is the impossibility for national sovereignty to guarantee human rights as well as the other way around.

    But as we shall see, Arendt will search for a solution to this problem by proposing a new conception of the status of the political domain and that of the rights3, in the republican manner, in which political membership is based on citizenship and not on nationality, thereby trying to overcome the restrictiveness associated with the latter for certain groups of people, which do not belong for some reason to the nation. What is essential for our approach is to determine the nature of this right to have rights, that is of the right to belong to a political community.

    The right to have rights is not a right in a strictly legal meaning, because Arendt does not presuppose, in analyzing the foundation of this right, an already existing legal domain. This right is not a positive right, hence it preconditions any positive right, having a status similar to that of a natural or moral right. In explaining the status of this right we encounter the strict distinctions that Arendt establishes between the political domain and the other domains such as the social, economic, administrative and private domains as well as the distinctions among the faculties of the human condition, that is, between action as the political faculty par excellence and the faculties of labor and work.

    The autonomy of the political domain founded on this new architectonics of the human faculties assumes the fact that the political cannot be in any way reduced to laws and institutions.

    This means that it represents an end in itself and cannot serve, as an autonomous domain, to the achievement of other ends such as welfare, security or even protection of civil rights. For Arendt, the fundamental right that is constituted as a precondition for human rights is the inclusion in a political community. The arendtian conception of rights, similarly to that of freedom, is a positive one, and this fundamental right is the best example. The separation introduced later by Arendt is between bare life and meaningful human life, the latter being an artificial and ultimately political life.

    The critique of human rights as it is deployed here contains in nuce the political critique made by her to the concept of Man as a fundamental concept of Western political philosophy.

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    Saggio di interpretazione filosofica, Milan: SE, Italian Love and St. Augustine, trans.

    Joanna V. Scott and Judith C.

    German Le origini del totalitarismo, trans. Greek Origens do totalitarismo, trans. Spanish Originile totalitarismului, trans.

    Dur and M. Romanian The Burden of Our Time, UK version of The Origins of Totalitarianism.

    German Vita activa, Milan: Bompiani, ; new ed. La condizione umana, Milan: Bompiani, Roberto Raposo, 10th ed. Rahel Varnhagen. Charlotte Beradt, Munich: Piper, German L'immagine dell'inferno. Scritti sul totalitarismo, Rome: Riuniti, Later the first essay in MDT. Riflessioni su Lessing, Milan: Cortina, Tra Passato e Futuro, trans. Italian Entre el pasado y el futuro, trans. Based on a series of aticles published in The New Yorker magazine. Eichmann in Jerusalem. Piero Bernardini, Milan: Feltrinelli, , Log.

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    Carlos Ribalta, Barcelona: Lumen, ; Spanish Eichmann la Ierusalim. Mariana Net, Bucharest: Humanitas, , pp. German Sulla rivoluzione, trans. Menschen in finsteren Zeiten, trans.

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    Ursula Ludz, Munich:Piper, German Hombres en tiempos de oscuridad, trans. Sulla Violenza, trans. Italian Macht und Gewalt, Munich: Piper, ; Arendt concludes that while Italian Fascism was a nationalist authoritarian movement, Nazism and Stalinism were totalitarian movements that sought to eliminate all restraints upon the power of the movement.

    Mechanics of totalitarian movements[ edit ] The book's final section is devoted to describing the mechanics of totalitarian movements, focusing on Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.

    Here, Arendt discusses the transformation of classes into masses, the role of propaganda in dealing with the non-totalitarian world, and the use of terror, essential to this form of government.

    Totalitarian movements are fundamentally different from autocratic regimes, says Arendt, insofar as autocratic regimes seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition, while totalitarian regimes seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination. She states Intellectual, spiritual, and artistic initiative is as dangerous to totalitarianism as the gangster initiative of the mob, and both are more dangerous than mere political opposition.

    The consistent persecution of every higher form of intellectual activity by the new mass leaders springs from more than their natural resentment against everything they cannot understand. Total domination does not allow for free initiative in any field of life, for any activity that is not entirely predictable.

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